Publications

The EU, and Italy especially, remains a magnet, as almost nobody who arrives is ever returned, regardless of the decisions of asylum bodies. The political debate returns like a pendulum to earlier experiences of agreements with North African states (Tunisia and Libya) as the only way to stop boats arriving.

Dal momento che i rimpatri sono di fatto inesistenti, indipendentemente dagli esiti delle decisioni in merito alle domande d’asilo, l’UE, e in particolare l’Italia, agisce come una grande calamita. Gli accordi con stati nordafricani (Tunisia e Libia) sono visti come l’unica soluzione possibile per fermare gli arrivi.

Bosnian democracy is safe. This should have been obvious all along. But then again, many obvious things have often been obscured when it comes to the work of Bosnian institutions. On this, as one previous occasions, the rational approach is the same: don't believe the hype. Bosnian democracy will not end in October.

The challenge for Greek and EU policy makers is clear: to ensure humane reception conditions in line with EU standards for every asylum seeker and migrant who arrives on the islands. If the average time people spend on the islands were 2 months only, and arrivals were below 3,000 a month, the accommodation capacity needed on all islands would be 6,000.

Leaders across the EU are looking for a fast, effective and humane asylum system; a system which determines quickly, but thoroughly, who needs protection; creates disincentives for people to get into boats; and manages to return those who are found not to need protection within a short period of time.

This paper is only available in PDF format.

Così come il presidente francese Emmanuel Macron, anche altri leader dell’Unione Europea sono alla ricerca di un sistema d’asilo veloce, efficiente e che rispetti pienamente i diritti dei richiedenti asilo. Questo sistema deve poter determinare in modo rapido e preciso chi ha bisogno di protezione, deve creare un effetto deterrente verso coloro che si vogliono avventurare su un barcone e, infine, deve permettere di rimpatriare nel più breve tempo possibile chi non ottiene asilo.

For Turkey to reintroduce the death penalty – the last execution took place in 1984 – would constitute a serious setback in the global struggle against capital punishment. Europeans should take the threat of the return of capital punishment in Turkey seriously. The EU and the Council of Europe should take every step they can, in time, to make this as unlikely as possible – in Turkey and anywhere else in Europe.